As emergency services are still digging through the rubble of
Zaventem Airport and Maelbeek Metro Station in Brussels, it is clear
that the full scale of the devastation will take days if not weeks to
assess. At this point
there are already 28 reported dead and 151 injured. While no
organization has claimed responsibility yet, the terrorist attacks seem
most likely related to the recent arrest of Salah Abdeslam, the
mastermind behind the Paris attacks of last year.
In fact, eerily prophetic, the Belgian Minister of Interior, Jan Jambon,
had said on Monday: “We know that stopping one cell can... push others
into action. We are aware of it in this case.” Given that both attacks
look like suicide bombings, and involve soft targets, i.e. easily
accessible, they look like brutal acts of desperation by individuals who
expected to be caught any day (as a consequence of Abdeslam’s arrest)
rather than as a well-planned terrorist attack, as the one in Paris last
November.
The Brussels terrorist attack, just as the related attack in Paris, shows many things, some more important than others.
First and foremost, it shows that terrorism is the new normal for
Western Europe, at least for now. Citizens and politicians should
acknowledge, rather than simply accept, this. To be clear, this is not
the first time this is the case — think of the extreme left terrorism of
the 1970s or the decades-long terrorist campaigns of separatist
organizations like ETA in Spain and the IRA in the United Kingdom. The
main difference is that terrorism is now affecting more countries and
more people.
Second, the attacks prove that even the strongest emergency and
security measures cannot make a (democratic) society 100 percent safe!
Both Brussels and Paris are cities on the highest state of alert, fully
aware they are prime targets of Jihadist terrorists, and were
nevertheless hit.
Third, although some terrorist attacks have caused massive
destruction of lives and property, most show at best a modest level of
organization - hence the almost exclusive use of soft targets. While
this makes the terrorists generally less lethal, it also makes them even
harder to detect.
Fourth, most of the Jihadi terrorists have a relatively clear socio-demographic profile,
which depicts only a small sub-set of the European Muslim population:
second-generation ‘immigrants’ and ‘native’ converts, several of which
have recently fought in the Middle East (or tried to) and have a
criminal background, unrelated and often directly opposed to their later
terrorist path. Many have radicalized in prison and were recruited
either in prison or soon after being released. But terrorists are not
only ‘losers of integration;’ some are from middle class families and
have a relatively high level of education. At the same time,
Fifth, and foremost, Jihadi terrorism has both domestic and foreign
roots. It is mostly directed or inspired by foreign terrorist groups,
mainly groups like ISIS in the Middle East, but almost exclusively
carried out by domestic terrorists with largely local grievances. As Olivier Roy
has argued, the ‘Jihadi problem’ is not so much about religion or
politics, it is a ‘generational revolt.’ The domestic Johadis terrorists
feel squeezed between the (non-Muslim) ‘natives’ and the Muslim
establishment, mostly older first-generation immigrants, which
ironically both treat them as ‘guest’ in their own country of birth.
This all is obviously not to say that Europe is responsible for its
own terrorism problem. It has created the conditions for the resentment
that drives the terrorists, but the vast majority of people in those
conditions do not resort to terrorism. But it also doesn’t mean that
simply destroying foreign terrorist threats like ISIS would get rid of
the ‘Jihadi threat’ in Europe.
Politicians from across the political spectrum are going to call for
strong and swift responses and claim that this ‘new threat’ requires
more competencies for the security services. They are going to promise
to ‘keep us safe,’ even though they know that they can never guarantee
full security. That is why it is so important that right now, at the
height of the shock and trauma, liberal democratic citizens and
politicians remain alert and vigilant and reject the utopias offered by
opportunistic politicians.
Neither authoritarianism nor nativism can save liberal democracy in
Europe! A state of security directly undermines the rule of law and the
protection of rights of all citizens, not just those of the ‘guilty’ or
‘others.’ Similarly, keeping immigrants and refugees out of Europe does
little to undermine the supply of terrorists, which are almost all
European born-and-bread. In fact, it will only strengthen their
resentment as well as their discrimination by an ever more fearful
‘native’ population.
Only if we acknowledge that our multi-ethnic societies, just like
many mono-ethnic societies before them, are faced with divisions within
each ethnic group, not just between them, can we learn to live with, and
hopefully one day overcome, the new normal of terrorism. We have to
look inward, rather than only outward, see the problems in ‘them’ and
‘us,’ and realize that a liberal democracy can only thrive if people
trust the political system and each other.
Culled from Huffington Post
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