The
 Obama administration this week hosted a three-day conference on 
"Countering Violent Extremism," which is a government euphemism for how 
best to deal with Islamist terrorism. Already
 a predictable tsunami of nonsense has washed over us about the "root 
causes" of terrorism. 
We have heard from Obama administration officials 
and even the President himself that terrorism has something to do with lack of opportunities and poverty. Obama said on Wednesday that "we have to address grievances terrorists exploit, including economic grievances."
He
 said, "when millions of people -- especially youth -- are impoverished 
and have no hope for the future, when corruption inflicts daily 
humiliations on people, when there are no outlets by which people can 
express their concerns, resentments fester. The risk of instability and 
extremism grow. Where young people have no education, they are more 
vulnerable to conspiracy theories and radical ideas..."

Peter Bergen 
The
 President did acknowledge that terrorists can be rich like Osama bin 
Laden, who was the son of a Saudi construction magnate who attended the 
top high school and the best university in Saudi Arabia. It's hard to 
imagine someone with more opportunities. Think the Trump family 
Saudi-style, minus the bling, and throw in a deep admiration for the 
Taliban.
But in fact Osama bin Laden is
 more the rule than the exception. Take Mohamed Atta, the son of an 
Egyptian lawyer, who had worked on a doctorate in, of all things, urban 
preservation at a German university and who led the 9/11 attacks. Or the
 present leader of al Qaeda, Ayman al Zawahiri,
 a surgeon who comes from a leading Egyptian family that counts 
ambassadors, politicians and prominent clerics amongst its ranks.
Report: Injustice, not unemployment, leads to extremism
Nearer
 to home we can also point to the Fort Hood shooter, Maj. Nidal Hasan, 
who was not only an officer in the U.S. Army and a psychiatrist, but is 
also from a comfortably middle-class family in Virginia.
Let's also add to the mix Faisal Shahzad,
 who tried to blow up a bomb-laden SUV in Times Square on May 1, 2010. 
He had obtained an MBA in the United States and had worked as a 
financial analyst for the Elizabeth Arden cosmetics company. His father 
was one of the top officers in the Pakistani military.
These are not the dispossessed. They are the empowered. 
"Who becomes a terrorist?" turns out, in many cases, to be much like asking, "Who owns a Volvo?"  
Indeed, New America has studied the backgrounds
 of some 250 U.S.-based militants since 9/11 who have been indicted in 
or convicted of some kind of jihadist terrorist crime. They are on 
average middle class, reasonably well-educated family men with kids. 
They are, in short, ordinary Americans. 
Similarly, in his important 2004 book "Understanding Terror Networks," psychiatrist Marc Sageman, a former CIA case officer, examined the
 backgrounds of 172 militants who were part of al Qaeda or a similar 
group. Just under half were professionals; two-thirds were either middle
 or upper class and had gone to college; indeed, several had doctorates. 
In a 2006 study, Swati Pandey and this author examined the educational background
 of 79 terrorists responsible for five of the worst anti-Western 
terrorist attacks of the modern era -- the World Trade Center bombing in
 1993, the bombings of two U.S. embassies in Africa in 1998, the 9/11 
attacks, the Bali nightclub bombings in 2002, and the London bombings on
 July 7, 2005. 
We found that more than
 half of the terrorists had attended college, making them as 
well-educated as the average American. Two of our sample had doctoral 
degrees, and two others had begun working toward their doctorates. 
None of them had attended a madrassa. 
Of
 course, large-scale insurgent groups such as ISIS and the Taliban 
recruit foot soldiers who join the cause to get a paycheck. But the 
people running these organizations are in it for ideological reasons. 
An optimistic view
The
 diagnosis that poverty, lack of education or lack of opportunities have
 much to do with terrorism requires a fundamentally optimistic view of 
human nature. This diagnosis leads to the prognosis that all we need to 
do to solve the terrorism problem is to create societies that are less 
poor, better educated and have more opportunities.
The
 fact is, working stiffs with few opportunities and scant education are 
generally too busy getting by to engage in revolutionary projects to 
remake society. And history, in fact, shows us that terrorism is 
generally a bourgeois endeavor. This was just as true of
 the Russian anarchists of the late 19th century as it was of the German
 Marxists of the Baader-Meinhof gang of the 1970s and of the Japanese 
terrorist group Aum Shinrikyo in the 1990s. 
Post-9/11
 research demonstrating that Islamist terrorism is mostly a pursuit of 
the middle class echoed an important study about Egyptian militants that
 was undertaken by the French academic Gilles Kepel during the mid-1980s. 
Kepel
 researched the 300 Islamist militants who were tried in the wake of the
 1981 assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. Around one in 
five were professionals such as engineers, a quarter worked as 
government employees, just under half were artisans or merchants, one in
 10 were in the military or police, and only one in 10 were farmers or 
were unemployed. Of those who were students, around a third were 
studying in the elite fields of medicine and engineering.
Similarly,
 the Library of Congress issued a study two years before the 9/11 
attacks that asked the question: "Who Becomes a Terrorist and Why?" The 
conclusion, based on a survey of all the published literature, was that 
there were only a few "major exceptions to the middle- and upper-class origins of terrorist groups." 
There
 are, of course any number of exceptions to the prototypical 
middle-class terrorist. The terrorists who attacked Charlie Hebdo 
magazine in Paris last month and the Copenhagen café that was hosting 
the Swedish cartoonist Lars Vilks this past weekend were from the 
margins of society. 
But for every 
example of poverty or lack of opportunities as a purported rationale for
 terrorism, it's easy to supply important counterexamples. The 
"underwear bomber" Umar Abdulmuttalab, who tried to set off a bomb on a 
U.S. passenger jet flying over Detroit on Christmas Day 2009, is the son
 of one of the richest men in Africa and attended University College 
London, which routinely rates among the best universities in the world.
Anwar
 al-Awlaki, the late leader of al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, who 
tasked the underwear bomber to blow up an American plane over an 
American city, was studying for his Ph.D. at George Washington 
University before he took up arms with al Qaeda. Awlaki's father was a 
Cabinet minister in Yemen.
What drives terrorism?
So if it's clearly not deprivation that is driving much Islamist terrorism, what is? 
For
 that we must turn to ideology, specifically religious ideology. And 
this is where the Obama administration has to perform some pretzel 
logic. It is careful to explain that the war on ISIS is not a war on 
Islam and that ISIS' ideology is a perversion of the religion. Fair 
enough. But the administration seems uncomfortable with making the 
connection between Islamist terrorism and ultra-fundamentalist forms of 
Islam that are intolerant of other religions and of other Muslims who 
don't share their views to the letter.
ISIS
 may be a perversion of Islam, but Islamic it is, just as Christian 
beliefs about the sanctity of the unborn child explain why some 
Christian fundamentalists attack abortion clinics and doctors. But, of 
course, murderous Christian fundamentalists are not killing many 
thousands of civilians a year. More than 80% of the world's terrorist attacks
 take place in five Muslim-majority countries -- Afghanistan, Iraq, 
Nigeria, Pakistan and Syria -- and are largely carried out by groups 
with Islamist beliefs.
This week the United Nations released a report showing that civilian casualties
 in Afghanistan were at the highest level since the organization started
 counting them six years ago. The Taliban were responsible for 
three-quarters of these deaths.
The 
Taliban and other Islamist terrorist groups are not, of course, secular 
organizations. To treat them as if they were springs from some 
combination of wishful thinking, PC gone crazy and a failure to accept, 
in an increasingly secularized era, that some will kill in the name of 
their god, an all-too-common phenomenon across human history.
Indeed,
 while ISIS and like-minded groups and their fellow travelers are not 
representative of the vast majority of the world's Muslims, their 
ideology is rooted in Salafist ultra-fundamentalist interpretations of 
Islam, and indeed they can point to verses in the Quran that can be 
interpreted to support their worldview.
A
 well-known verse in the Quran commands Muslims to "fight and slay the 
nonbelievers wherever you find them, seize them, beleaguer them, and lie
 in wait for them in every stratagem [of war]."  When bin Laden made a 
formal declaration of war against "the Jews and the Crusaders" in 1998, 
he cited this Quranic verse at the beginning of his declaration.
ISIS'
 distinctive black flags are a reference to a supposed saying of the 
Prophet Mohammed that "If you see the black banners coming from the 
direction of Khorasan then go to them, even if you have to crawl, 
because among them will be Allah's Caliph the Mahdi." In other words, 
coming out of Khorasan, an area that now encompasses Afghanistan, will 
come an army that includes the Mahdi, the Islamic savior of the world. 
The parent organization of ISIS was al Qaeda, which, of course, was 
headquartered in Afghanistan at the time of the 9/11 attacks. 
Last
 year, ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi named himself caliph, which 
means that in his own mind and in the eyes of his followers he is not 
only the leader of ISIS but the overall leader of Muslims everywhere. 
These beliefs may seem like a crazy delusion to most of us, but it's 
important to understand that they are theological in nature, and this 
theology is rooted in ultra-fundamentalist Islam.
ISIS
 sees itself as the vanguard army that is bringing back true Islam to 
the world. This project is of such cosmic importance that they will 
break any number of eggs to make this omelet, which accounts for their 
murderous campaign against every ethnic group, religious group and 
nationality that they perceive as standing in their way. ISIS recruits 
also believe that we are in the end times, and they are best understood 
as members of an Islamist apocalyptic death cult.
What
 does that mean for policy makers? It means that the only truly 
effective challenges to this reasoning must come from Islamic leaders 
and scholars who can make the theological case that ISIS is an 
aberration. This, too, is an Islamic project; it is not a jobs project.
Source:
CNN

 
 
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