The
Obama administration this week hosted a three-day conference on
"Countering Violent Extremism," which is a government euphemism for how
best to deal with Islamist terrorism. Already
a predictable tsunami of nonsense has washed over us about the "root
causes" of terrorism.
We have heard from Obama administration officials
and even the President himself that terrorism has something to do with lack of opportunities and poverty. Obama said on Wednesday that "we have to address grievances terrorists exploit, including economic grievances."
He
said, "when millions of people -- especially youth -- are impoverished
and have no hope for the future, when corruption inflicts daily
humiliations on people, when there are no outlets by which people can
express their concerns, resentments fester. The risk of instability and
extremism grow. Where young people have no education, they are more
vulnerable to conspiracy theories and radical ideas..."
The
President did acknowledge that terrorists can be rich like Osama bin
Laden, who was the son of a Saudi construction magnate who attended the
top high school and the best university in Saudi Arabia. It's hard to
imagine someone with more opportunities. Think the Trump family
Saudi-style, minus the bling, and throw in a deep admiration for the
Taliban.
But in fact Osama bin Laden is
more the rule than the exception. Take Mohamed Atta, the son of an
Egyptian lawyer, who had worked on a doctorate in, of all things, urban
preservation at a German university and who led the 9/11 attacks. Or the
present leader of al Qaeda, Ayman al Zawahiri,
a surgeon who comes from a leading Egyptian family that counts
ambassadors, politicians and prominent clerics amongst its ranks.
Nearer
to home we can also point to the Fort Hood shooter, Maj. Nidal Hasan,
who was not only an officer in the U.S. Army and a psychiatrist, but is
also from a comfortably middle-class family in Virginia.
Let's also add to the mix Faisal Shahzad,
who tried to blow up a bomb-laden SUV in Times Square on May 1, 2010.
He had obtained an MBA in the United States and had worked as a
financial analyst for the Elizabeth Arden cosmetics company. His father
was one of the top officers in the Pakistani military.
These are not the dispossessed. They are the empowered.
"Who becomes a terrorist?" turns out, in many cases, to be much like asking, "Who owns a Volvo?"
Indeed, New America has studied the backgrounds
of some 250 U.S.-based militants since 9/11 who have been indicted in
or convicted of some kind of jihadist terrorist crime. They are on
average middle class, reasonably well-educated family men with kids.
They are, in short, ordinary Americans.
Similarly, in his important 2004 book "Understanding Terror Networks," psychiatrist Marc Sageman, a former CIA case officer, examined the
backgrounds of 172 militants who were part of al Qaeda or a similar
group. Just under half were professionals; two-thirds were either middle
or upper class and had gone to college; indeed, several had doctorates.
In a 2006 study, Swati Pandey and this author examined the educational background
of 79 terrorists responsible for five of the worst anti-Western
terrorist attacks of the modern era -- the World Trade Center bombing in
1993, the bombings of two U.S. embassies in Africa in 1998, the 9/11
attacks, the Bali nightclub bombings in 2002, and the London bombings on
July 7, 2005.
We found that more than
half of the terrorists had attended college, making them as
well-educated as the average American. Two of our sample had doctoral
degrees, and two others had begun working toward their doctorates.
None of them had attended a madrassa.
Of
course, large-scale insurgent groups such as ISIS and the Taliban
recruit foot soldiers who join the cause to get a paycheck. But the
people running these organizations are in it for ideological reasons.
An optimistic view
The
diagnosis that poverty, lack of education or lack of opportunities have
much to do with terrorism requires a fundamentally optimistic view of
human nature. This diagnosis leads to the prognosis that all we need to
do to solve the terrorism problem is to create societies that are less
poor, better educated and have more opportunities.
The
fact is, working stiffs with few opportunities and scant education are
generally too busy getting by to engage in revolutionary projects to
remake society. And history, in fact, shows us that terrorism is
generally a bourgeois endeavor. This was just as true of
the Russian anarchists of the late 19th century as it was of the German
Marxists of the Baader-Meinhof gang of the 1970s and of the Japanese
terrorist group Aum Shinrikyo in the 1990s.
Post-9/11
research demonstrating that Islamist terrorism is mostly a pursuit of
the middle class echoed an important study about Egyptian militants that
was undertaken by the French academic Gilles Kepel during the mid-1980s.
Kepel
researched the 300 Islamist militants who were tried in the wake of the
1981 assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. Around one in
five were professionals such as engineers, a quarter worked as
government employees, just under half were artisans or merchants, one in
10 were in the military or police, and only one in 10 were farmers or
were unemployed. Of those who were students, around a third were
studying in the elite fields of medicine and engineering.
Similarly,
the Library of Congress issued a study two years before the 9/11
attacks that asked the question: "Who Becomes a Terrorist and Why?" The
conclusion, based on a survey of all the published literature, was that
there were only a few "major exceptions to the middle- and upper-class origins of terrorist groups."
There
are, of course any number of exceptions to the prototypical
middle-class terrorist. The terrorists who attacked Charlie Hebdo
magazine in Paris last month and the Copenhagen café that was hosting
the Swedish cartoonist Lars Vilks this past weekend were from the
margins of society.
But for every
example of poverty or lack of opportunities as a purported rationale for
terrorism, it's easy to supply important counterexamples. The
"underwear bomber" Umar Abdulmuttalab, who tried to set off a bomb on a
U.S. passenger jet flying over Detroit on Christmas Day 2009, is the son
of one of the richest men in Africa and attended University College
London, which routinely rates among the best universities in the world.
Anwar
al-Awlaki, the late leader of al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, who
tasked the underwear bomber to blow up an American plane over an
American city, was studying for his Ph.D. at George Washington
University before he took up arms with al Qaeda. Awlaki's father was a
Cabinet minister in Yemen.
What drives terrorism?
So if it's clearly not deprivation that is driving much Islamist terrorism, what is?
For
that we must turn to ideology, specifically religious ideology. And
this is where the Obama administration has to perform some pretzel
logic. It is careful to explain that the war on ISIS is not a war on
Islam and that ISIS' ideology is a perversion of the religion. Fair
enough. But the administration seems uncomfortable with making the
connection between Islamist terrorism and ultra-fundamentalist forms of
Islam that are intolerant of other religions and of other Muslims who
don't share their views to the letter.
ISIS
may be a perversion of Islam, but Islamic it is, just as Christian
beliefs about the sanctity of the unborn child explain why some
Christian fundamentalists attack abortion clinics and doctors. But, of
course, murderous Christian fundamentalists are not killing many
thousands of civilians a year. More than 80% of the world's terrorist attacks
take place in five Muslim-majority countries -- Afghanistan, Iraq,
Nigeria, Pakistan and Syria -- and are largely carried out by groups
with Islamist beliefs.
This week the United Nations released a report showing that civilian casualties
in Afghanistan were at the highest level since the organization started
counting them six years ago. The Taliban were responsible for
three-quarters of these deaths.
The
Taliban and other Islamist terrorist groups are not, of course, secular
organizations. To treat them as if they were springs from some
combination of wishful thinking, PC gone crazy and a failure to accept,
in an increasingly secularized era, that some will kill in the name of
their god, an all-too-common phenomenon across human history.
Indeed,
while ISIS and like-minded groups and their fellow travelers are not
representative of the vast majority of the world's Muslims, their
ideology is rooted in Salafist ultra-fundamentalist interpretations of
Islam, and indeed they can point to verses in the Quran that can be
interpreted to support their worldview.
A
well-known verse in the Quran commands Muslims to "fight and slay the
nonbelievers wherever you find them, seize them, beleaguer them, and lie
in wait for them in every stratagem [of war]." When bin Laden made a
formal declaration of war against "the Jews and the Crusaders" in 1998,
he cited this Quranic verse at the beginning of his declaration.
ISIS'
distinctive black flags are a reference to a supposed saying of the
Prophet Mohammed that "If you see the black banners coming from the
direction of Khorasan then go to them, even if you have to crawl,
because among them will be Allah's Caliph the Mahdi." In other words,
coming out of Khorasan, an area that now encompasses Afghanistan, will
come an army that includes the Mahdi, the Islamic savior of the world.
The parent organization of ISIS was al Qaeda, which, of course, was
headquartered in Afghanistan at the time of the 9/11 attacks.
Last
year, ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi named himself caliph, which
means that in his own mind and in the eyes of his followers he is not
only the leader of ISIS but the overall leader of Muslims everywhere.
These beliefs may seem like a crazy delusion to most of us, but it's
important to understand that they are theological in nature, and this
theology is rooted in ultra-fundamentalist Islam.
ISIS
sees itself as the vanguard army that is bringing back true Islam to
the world. This project is of such cosmic importance that they will
break any number of eggs to make this omelet, which accounts for their
murderous campaign against every ethnic group, religious group and
nationality that they perceive as standing in their way. ISIS recruits
also believe that we are in the end times, and they are best understood
as members of an Islamist apocalyptic death cult.
What
does that mean for policy makers? It means that the only truly
effective challenges to this reasoning must come from Islamic leaders
and scholars who can make the theological case that ISIS is an
aberration. This, too, is an Islamic project; it is not a jobs project.
Source:
CNN
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